The LGBTQ umbrella is an inclusive term for members of sexual- and gender-minority groups. LGBTQ is an acronym representing lesbian, gay, bisexual, [transgender], and queer people, and though this is the most commonly used ordering of the letters, no specific order is necessary. The unifying metaphor of the umbrella has been used to represent a larger community and to combine the efforts of many non-heterosexually and non-cisgender–identifying members in addressing problems affecting the community such as a lack of legal recognition, discrimination, and violence. To this effect, the LGBTQ umbrella has been important in assisting its identifying members to fight for equality. However, in more recent years, the LGBTQ umbrella has come under scrutiny by a more diverse community. The umbrella has been criticized for being exclusionary, White-dominated, unable to support the needs of its members universally, and for the marginalization of bisexual and trans* issues. Reactions to these criticisms include additional letters in the acronym and using more general terms such as “queer” and “gender and sexual minorities” (GSM).
LGBT is an acronym that stands for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender, referencing an “imagined” community of non-heterosexual or non-cisgender people [...] Such a community exists only insofar as it represents nondominant sexualities and gender identities. The LGBT community is imagined in the sense that it represents an extreme diversity of political, ideological, and sociocultural beliefs, perspectives, and practices. The acronym does not exclusively reference lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people but is coded as representing a broad spectrum of “queer” identities that transgress heteronormativity. Queer in this sense is the reclamation of the formerly derogatory connotation in favor of a political identity that rejects clear or defined definitions of sexuality or gender identity. The LGBT community is not unified in the same way that not all bisexuals are unified or transgender people are unified. LGBT is simply a means of quickly referencing this population for both academic and political purposes.
There is no way to indicate either sexual orientation or nuanced gender identity on the U.S. Census, making data on the U.S. LGBTQ+ population both difficult to locate and incomplete at best.
Gender has been included as a question on the U.S. Census since its inception, but the only options provided are “male” and “female.” This forces nonbinary people to choose between either misgendering themselves or not being counted in the Census at all, and it also fails to represent trans people who may identify within the binary but still constitute part of the LGBTQ+ community.
In terms of sexual orientation, as of 2020 the Census does allow people to indicate whether or not they are part of a same-sex marriage or civil union. However, this is not the same thing as sexual orientation, and this approach leaves out large swathes of the LGBTQ+ population who are not in long-term monogamous partnerships, or who identify as LGBTQ+ and are in straight-appearing relationships. All of these groups are valid members of the LGBTQ+ community, and deserve to be counted as such if they so choose.
In July 2021, the U.S. Census Bureau did begin asking about sexual orientation and gender identity, which they refer to as SOGI, on their Household Pulse Survey (HPS), an experimental survey designed to measure the impact of COVID-19 on American households (source). This marks the first time that the U.S. Census Bureau has ever officially collected data on the broader LGBTQ+ community, and is an important first step; however, the small and experimental nature of the HPS limits the impact of its findings. There is still a long ways to go before gender identity and sexual orientation are accurately measured by the U.S. government.
If and when questions about gender identity and sexual orientation are finally included on the U.S. Census, it should be noted that there will still likely be questions about data quality and accuracy due to many LGBTQ+ people not being “out,” as well as individuals often being misgendered by their family members. Until greater societal understanding and acceptance of LGBTQ+ people is achieved and social stigma is eradicated, issues with LGBTQ+ data collection will likely persist.
In the meantime, key data on the U.S. LGBTQ+ population is usually collected by educational or private institutions, such as the UCLA Williams Institute, Pew Research Center, and Gallup.
The following terms were commonly used in the past, and may still be found in classification systems and/or medical terminology. However, they are generally now considered to be offensive, and often reflect inaccurate and outdated understandings of gender, sex, and sexual orientation. Use with extreme caution.
Click on the terms below to see related keywords.
Queer theory grew out of a transdisciplinary intellectual movement that started in the late 1980s, when many scholars, especially those from humanities-oriented disciplines, began to theorize about sex, sexuality, and sexual identities in ways that especially challenged dominant scientific and cultural assumptions.
Queer of Color Critique moves Queer Theory away from an exclusive focus on sexuality as its sole site of critical inquiry and refuses to let gender, race, and class be a ghostly presence. Instead, it normalises simultaneity in its articulation by asking in what ways has the racialised, classed, and gendered discourse known as sexuality dispersed. In doing so, scholars that have contributed to this fledging field have drawn critical attention to the governing logics of knowledge production and the assumptions that form the basis of Queer Theory.
This guide is inspired by the LibGuides Open Review Discussion Sessions (LORDS) Project and University of Minnesota Libraries' Conducting Research Through an Anti-Racism Lens LibGuide.
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